William’s Reviews > Liberty in the Age of Terror: A Defence of Civil Society and Enlightenment Values > Status Update

Civil liberties and human rights: This is the end of Part One. Grayling speaks about the UDHR, and its exceptional success in conveying an absolute moral code which cultural relativism is largely immune. A truly universal code of conduct, which the West is thoroughly in breach of. Part Two is debate transcripts, which I won't be reading, at least for now.

We the people: Grayling outlines what he considers to be the enormous triumph that was the American independence movement, and the constructive and enlightening debate which pre-empted it. Mostly covering the history of the movement, Grayling demonstrates the power and value of codified, protected rights (which the UK does not currently have). He says the unwritten UK constitution has been 'broken by circumstance'.

Democracy: Grayling questions the meaning of democracy, and it's true value. He asserts that Athenian democracy is actually nothing like modern democracy, and modern democracy is so flawed that it ought not be held in such high regard. He says, in short, that democracy is not our destination, and we can and must do better

Privacy: Grayling offers an alternative approach to the importance of privacy, as a crucial aspect to wellbeing. Aside from the notion of "having nothing to hide", Grayling acknowledges that social contracts exist which allow us to act without artifice in private circumstances. This protection is crucial to a private life, and therefore a healthy well-being

Identity for sale, Grayling rails against the notion of an Identity Database whereby all citizens are registered and fracked, not least by an identity card scheme. He asks, who benefits? And explains that the only ones to profit from these arrangements are nosy governments and technology companies of the private sector, presented with billion in profit, in perpetuity

Combating terrorism: Grayling speaks largely in far-reaching hypotheticals here as he attempts to approach solutions to the problems of terrorism. His only real conclusion is that terrorism is often perpetrated by those who feel they have no other recourse, and that we should 'strive for a more inclusive world'. He offers little in practical solutions

The 'War on Terror': Grayling dismantles the phrase that he believes is wholly unconstructive and unrepresentative of the efforts we must seek in order to combat terrorism. He suggests that fighting a war on terror emboldens terrorist organisations against a common goal, and suggests instead that we should seek solutions to problems whose outcome is terrorism. Combatting terrorism, however, is what he discusses next

Tolerance: Grayling asserts that tolerance is essential to a liberal democracy, and is sure to define tolerance not only as an willingness to accept whatever" but in fact a principle, to ensure that everyone respects everyone's rights and liberties. This solves the longstanding issue of lib.dem nations being too tolerant and tolerating intolerance, which cannot be tolerated

Free speech (FS) and civil liberties: Grayling argues that FS is essential because the defence of every other liberty depends on it; its debate, defence, argument. He says that the courts exist to rectify 'bad FS', beyond that, little limit should be placed upon it. He excepts aspects of a person without choice. But we must come to expect speech that makes us uncomfortable and says we should fight bad FS with good FS

free speech and censorship: Gralying argues that free speech matters even when it is offensive. He admits that there are extremely limited circumstances where ones right to free speech may best not be exercised, otherwise free speech is THE most crucial civil liberty, for all others depend on its assurance. He uses the example of the Dutch cartoonist and asks if one group of society should be exempt from all others