Bruce Gilley > Quotes

“The Spirit of Berlin was embodied in two principles. First, colonial powers, whatever else they did, had a responsibility to improve the lives of native populations. The second principle insisted that any colonial claim needed to be backed up by “the existence of an authority sufficient to cause acquired rights to be respected.”
― Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West

“The Spirit of Berlin was embodied in two principles. First, colonial powers, whatever else they did, had a responsibility to improve the lives of native populations.”
― Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West

“The Berlin conference has been subject to a relentless campaign of debunking by modern intellectuals. One claim they make is that the assembled delegates “carved up” Africa like a bunch of gluttons. This is wrong. For one, the carving was already happening when Bismarck acted. The conference was a response to, not a cause of, expanded colonial claims. Critics seem to think that absent the conference Africa would have been left untouched. Quite the opposite. The scramble for Africa created tensions, suspicions, and fears on all sides. Bismarck wanted to set some ground rules.”
― Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West

“The myth of “artificial boundaries” drawn by ignorant Europeans is one that dies hard. In fact, as the French scholar Camille Lefebvre has shown, colonial administrators went to great lengths to figure out where boundaries should be drawn. In doing so, they made use of extensive local knowledge. Later demands by critics to redraw borders along ethnic lines, she argued, “had the paradoxical effect of erasing the history of African political structures and the role of the local populations in defining colonial boundaries.” This reflected a racist idea “that the essence of Africans is to be found in their ethnicity.”

What is true is that these political boundaries did not always coincide with ethnic boundaries. Many ethnic groups ended up on different sides of borders because carving up “ethnic homelands” would have been both impractical as well as, in Lefebvre’s view, racist. If there is a “high-handed” assumption at play, it is the assumption of later critics that Africans are essentially tribal and need to be organized on tribal lines. Thus borders should be redrawn not based on political, social, and economic logic but on ethnic essentialism. When the apartheid state of South Africa created such ethnic “homelands,” they were roundly derided because they created ethnic ghettos cut off from modern lines of economic and political life. Yet the “artificial boundaries” critique of the borders resulting from the Berlin conference is an appeal for just such apartheid-style “homelands.”
― Bruce Gilley, In Defense of German Colonialism: And How Its Critics Empowered Nazis, Communists, and the Enemies of the West

“As someone celebrated as an anti-colonial hero in the contemporary academy, it is often forgotten that Patrice Lumumba was an active “collaborator” in Belgian colonial rule by any measure: a postal clerk, the head of a local trade federation, and an insider in colonial society as head of Stanleyville’s Association des Évolués.”
― Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism: A Response to My Critics

“Asians are doing more to stay on the colonial track. They don’t say this out loud, but there is far less anti-colonial bombast than elsewhere. They admire the colonials. Go to the national museum in Singapore. “The British did this, the British did that”. All positive.”
― Bruce Gilley

“King Leopold’s private fiefdom in the Congo was precisely the counterfactual to colonial rule and the best argument for colonialism. His inability to control his native rubber agents who continued their pre-colonial business of slave-trading and coercive rubber harvesting showed the problems that would arise if European freelancers allied with native warlords and slave-traders to establish regimes with no outside scrutiny.”
― Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism: A Response to My Critics

“The report quotes an earlier report on the Belgian Congo of 1919 which claimed that the population “has been reduced one-half.” It quotes this claim in order to state that it is almost certainly false. That is because population estimates for the Belgian Congo varied widely and remained pure guesswork. They were of “little value in drawing any precise conclusions.” The only firm conclusion it reached was that population was not increasing. The causes were multiple, including sleeping sickness, inter-tribal warfare, poor nutrition, female trafficking, polygamy, and the working conditions for men in European industrial and commercial enterprises.”
― Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism: A Response to My Critics

“For the past 25 years, the idea of the Congo has been closely linked in the Western imagination to the 1998 book King Leopold’s Ghost by the American journalist Adam Hochschild. The book is widely assigned in high schools and colleges, and it regularly tops best-seller lists in colonial, African, and Western history. Hochschild has become a sort of king of the Congo, or at least of its history. The book is reflexively cited by reputable scholars in their footnotes any time they wish to assert that it is “well known” and “beyond doubt” that sinister men in Europe wrought havoc in Africa over a century ago. Any discussion of the Congo, or of European colonialism more generally, invariably begins with the question: “Have you read King Leopold’s Ghost?” I have read it. And I can declare that it is a vast hoax, full of distortions and errors both numerous and grave. Some people might view “King Hochschild’s Hoax,” as we might call it, as an empowering fable for modern Africans at the expense of the white man.”
― Bruce Gilley

“So you can say: That man was a collaborator. But I think he is representative of the indigenous reaction to the British. Now everyone who expresses the anti-colonial sentiment is counted as the authentic voice of conscience. Everyone who speaks out in favour of colonialism, was practicing self-censorship, was insincere, etcetera. That is far too simple for me.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Colonialism spread rapidly, with relatively little force from the colonial powers and also with relatively few Westerners in the colonies. That is a sign that the colonial regimes enjoyed legitimacy in the eyes of the indigenous population. See also the large numbers of locals who worked for tax offices, police, and the administration.”
― Bruce Gilley

“he ordering of cultural customs, forms of governance and economic institutions as being better or worse does not fit into the modern ethos of equality. We- rightly- want equal opportunities and rights. A positive vision of the colonial past apparently doesn’t fit into that. I mean, my whole university is busy decolonizing! That is the train I slammed into.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Wat mij interesseert in de reacties is dat mijn citaat van de zwarte jongeman in Congo uit Van Reybrouck — “Wanneer komen de Belgen terug?” waarvan hij meldt dat het “een veel gehoorde klaagzang” was die hij “ontelbare keren” hoorde toen hij daar was in 2010. Ze kunnen het feit duidelijk niet onder ogen zien dat veel voormalige koloniale volkeren zouden willen dat hun land terugkeerde naar koloniale heerschappij. Koloniale heerschappij was voor deze mensen niet een of ander filosofisch idee, maar een praktisch alternatief dat moest worden afgewogen tegen andere praktische alternatieven en in vergelijking daarmee vaak minder gebrekkig werd gevonden. Dergelijke ‘gevaarlijke gedachten’ moeten duidelijk worden bestreden door de uitbranders in de faculteitslounge, anders worden ze algemeen bekend.”
― Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism: A Response to My Critics

“The Belgian period was the beginning of the most successful era in the history of the Congo. It was the only period in which it had an effective police force and army. The country was being run orderly, was relatively incorrupt and capable of maintaining internal order and of protecting its sovereignty. Only then, under the Belgians, was that the case.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Many African leaders started out ostensibly modern, liberal, but began to behave more like traditional leaders- not as a leader who is part of an institutionalized political system, but as the system itself. They opened up their economy, but out of necessity; if it could no longer be obstructed. The same goes for elections: They were held to prevent civil war. The so-called “African renaissance” was only that on the surface. The leaders did not really believe in it. In reality they returned to forms of mythical, traditional governance. That is how they smashed into the wall. African tradition is irreconcilable with the modern world. Every country will have to break with it’s traditions in order to create a modern society.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Anybody who complains about, say, taxation is retroactively called a proto-nationalist who was resisting colonialism”
― Bruce Gilley

“The British colonial empire has done more to fight poverty than all post-war development aid combined.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Colonialism isn’t just railroads. I do not need those railroads in order to defend colonialism. It is also legitimate governance, opportunities, protection, self-development, emancipation. And dignity. Colonialism gave people dignity, for the first time in their life. Regardless of who you are, which tribe you belonged to, or whether you are friends with The Big Man.”
― Bruce Gilley

“One hundred years of disaster is enough. The time has come to once again advocate for colonialism.”
― Bruce Gilley

“What The Hague is doing right now in Sint-Maarten and Sint-Eustatius, namely intervene in parts of the administration. The black nationalist leaders cried murder over this Dutch ‘neo-colonialism’, but the people seem content.”
― Bruce Gilley

“And these weren’t trolls. There were also professors. Oxford-historians, Harvard-historians. That’s what I found to be most the terrifying. When people with permanent positions in Western universities organise an attack on a colleague, or encourage attacks, the aggression comes very close.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Als iemand die in de hedendaagse academie werd gevierd als een antikoloniale held, wordt vaak vergeten dat Lumumba hoe dan ook een actieve “collaborateur” was in de Belgische koloniale overheersing: een postbeambte, het hoofd van een lokale handelsfederatie en een insider in koloniale samenleving als hoofd van Stanleyville’s Association des Évolués.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Ik concludeer dat de problemen van het meeste onderzoek naar het koloniale verleden zo diepgeworteld zijn dat in de meeste gevallen niets minder dan een volledige herschrijving van de koloniale geschiedenis onder de juiste wetenschappelijke voorwaarden zal volstaan. Hetzelfde geldt waarschijnlijk voor veel andere onderwerpen in de sociale wetenschappen.”
― Bruce Gilley

“Academics keep writing about the glorious slave revolt of Haiti (1791-1804). As if it still is the best thing that could have happened to Haiti. But it is the worst thing that happened to Haiti. Ever since the slave revolt against the French, Haiti has been in chaos. Massive human suffering, lasting destruction. Why celebrate that? But no: Let’s hold another conference on that fantastic Haitian Revolution.”
― Bruce Gilley

“So there was a decent system which reacted to these abuses. There were three investigative commissions for the abuses in the Congo under King Leopold II. Why do we know so little about the atrocities in the Congo in the nineties? Because the Congolese government didn’t give a damn about them!”
― Bruce Gilley

“Then you can say: those people had a bad conscience. But perhaps those people, in that time and context, really believed this to be the best choice for their country. Regardless of its limitations the colonial world offered more opportunities and protection than indigenous governance would have done. And the post-colonial experience has taught us that those people were right!”
― Bruce Gilley

“Vansina citeert een deel van een Harvard-studie over de Belgische kolonie Congo, gesticht in 1908. Het rapport citeert een eerder rapport over Belgisch Congo van 1919 waarin werd beweerd dat de bevolking “met de helft verminderd was”. Het citeert deze bewering om aan te geven dat het vrijwel zeker onjuist is. Dat komt omdat de bevolkingsschattingen voor Belgisch Congo sterk uiteenliepen en puur giswerk bleven. Ze waren van ‘weinig waarde bij het trekken van precieze conclusies’. De enige harde conclusie die het bereikte was dat de bevolking niet toenam. De oorzaken waren talrijk, waaronder slaapziekte, oorlog tussen stammen, slechte voeding, vrouwenhandel, polygamie en de arbeidsomstandigheden voor mannen in Europese industriële en commerciële ondernemingen.”
― Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism: A Response to My Critics

“If we are going to write history on the basis of the number of victims, then we should also take into account that Germany for example- as a colonial latecomer- developed a remedy to the sleeping disease that saved one to three million lives during the twenties. Without their colonial aspirations that would never have happened.”
― Bruce Gilley

“In Asia the people who argued for continuity with the colonial institutions became the leaders. In Africa they were imprisoned.”
― Bruce Gilley

“China was the opposite world. If you want to know what Hong Kong would have looked like without the British, you only need to take a look across the border.”
― Bruce Gilley