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Samuel Moyn

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Samuel Moyn


Born
February 14, 1972

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Samuel Moyn is professor of law and history at Harvard University. He is the author of The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History, and Christian Human Rights (2015), among other books, as well as editor of the journal Humanity. He also writes regularly for Foreign Affairs and The Nation.

Average rating: 3.84 · 1,972 ratings · 242 reviews · 37 distinct worksSimilar authors
The Last Utopia: Human Righ...

3.45 avg rating — 438 ratings13 editions
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Humane: How the United Stat...

3.79 avg rating — 264 ratings — published 2021 — 10 editions
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Not Enough: Human Rights in...

3.74 avg rating — 239 ratings — published 2018 — 10 editions
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Liberalism against Itself: ...

3.78 avg rating — 158 ratings3 editions
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Human Rights and the Uses o...

3.53 avg rating — 120 ratings — published 2014 — 4 editions
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Global Intellectual History

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3.67 avg rating — 49 ratings — published 2013 — 6 editions
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Christian Human Rights

3.73 avg rating — 45 ratings — published 2015 — 5 editions
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Origins of the Other: Emman...

3.96 avg rating — 25 ratings — published 2005 — 3 editions
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A Holocaust Controversy: Th...

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 7 ratings — published 2005 — 4 editions
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Hermann Cohen: Writings on ...

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3.20 avg rating — 5 ratings — published 2021 — 3 editions
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“Israel's monomaniacal Spinoza worship is amusing and exasperating by turns. For a start, his insistence that Spinoza was the singular font of the Enlightenment leaves him without a story of the Enlightenment's intellectual or cultural origins. Every historian has to begin somewhere, but the fact that Israel begins with Spinoza, and then reduces most of what follows the philosopher to a footnote, leaves his account of the Enlightenment founded on something like immaculate conception.”
Samuel Moyn

“It is for this reason that this book dramatizes how Cold War liberals reimagined the canon of political thought. Perhaps the greatest recent nominalist historian of liberalism, Duncan Bell, has reminded us that one part of the reshuffling of the liberal tradition is recanonization. Nothing about this, of course, is specific to liberalism; if all history is contemporary history, then all canonizing is too, as the past is reconfigured in light of the present. There may, indeed, be no better way into understanding political thought than by studying what ancestry it claims—and whom it censures or expels. “It is well known that each age writes history anew to serve its own purposes and that the history of political ideas is no exception to this rule,” Shklar observed in 1959. “The precise nature of these changes in perspective, however, bears investigation. For not only can their study help us to understand the past; it may also lead to a better understanding of our own intellectual situation.”13 Yet how mid-twentieth century liberalism invented its own past has barely been broached. In Bell’s classic article, he makes the destabilizing but narrow claim that it was only in the twentieth century that Locke was anointed the founder of liberalism. There is much more to say about the canonization process. It overturned a prevalent nineteenth-century version of liberal theory with perfectionist and progressivist features that Cold War liberalism transformed. Creative agency had been liberalism’s goal, and history its forum of opportunity. The mid-twentieth century changed all that.”
Samuel Moyn, Liberalism against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times

“It was in part because he understood Zionism’s roots in nineteenth-century thought—crossing into its Romanticism, Hegelianism, and historicism—that Berlin could sometimes be half-sympathetic to “the nations,” as he once put it, “which feel that they have not yet played their part (but will) in the great drama of history.”93 Yet there was an undeniable disparity between his Zionism and his far less indulgent attitude toward other new states after World War II. He felt free to criticize “the resentful attitude of those new nations which have exchanged the yoke of foreign rule for the despotism of an individual or class or group in their own society, and admire the triumphant display of naked power, at its most arbitrary and oppressive, even where social and economic needs do just call for authoritarian control.”94 The tension with Berlin’s Zionism, which didn’t invite such criticism, was glaring. Postcolonial emancipation was not just necessary but moving—for one people.”
Samuel Moyn, Liberalism against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times

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