Bolsheviks Quotes

“[F]or the most part football these days is the opium of the people, not to speak of their crack cocaine. Its icon is the impeccably Tory, slavishly conformist Beckham. The Reds are no longer the Bolsheviks. Nobody serious about political change can shirk the fact that the game has to be abolished. And any political outfit that tried it on would have about as much chance of power as the chief executive of BP has in taking over from Oprah Winfrey.”
― Terry Eagleton

“The Bolsheviks killed their own most loyal supporters at Kronstadt in 1921, because they failed to understand that the revolution no longer required revolutionaries, but obedient servants.”
― Peter Hitchens

“[...] but we know. and have always said, that the bourgeoisie is attached to fascism. The bourgeois and fascism stand in the same relation to each other as do the workers and peasants to the Russian Communist Party.”
― Antonio Gramsci, Selections from political writings: 1921-1926

“The remarkable thing about the Bolshevik insurrection is that hardly any of the Bolshevik leaders had wanted it to happen until a few hours before it began.”
― Orlando Figes, A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891 - 1924

“Some searched for metaphors to describe what had happened. Tetiana Pavlychka remembered that her sister Tamara “had a large, swollen stomach, and her neck was long and thin like a bird’s neck. People didn’t look like people — they were more like starving ghosts.” Another survivor remembered that his mother “looked like a glass jar, filled with clear spring water. All her body that could be seen . . . was see-through and filled with water, like a plastic bag.”
A third remembered his brother lying down, “alive but completely swollen, his body shining as if it were made of glass”.”
― Anne Applebaum, Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine

“There is no greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one thing, while methods and tactics are another. This conception is a potent menace to social regeneration. All human experience teaches that methods and means cannot be separated from the ultimate aim. The means employed become, through individual habit and social practice, part and parcel of the final purpose; they influence it, modify it, and presently the aims and means become identical.”
― Emma Goldman, My Disillusionment In Russia

“The Socialist Party had a slight, sympathetic contact with the Bolsheviks. In March, 1915, the Socialist Standard had on its front page a statement headed A RUSSIAN CHALLENGE. The Russian party, finding itself uninvited to a London conference of social-democrtic parties of the Allied nations,sent a declaration which every left-wing paper refused to publish before it was recieved by the SPGB...the statement condemned the war and the 'monstrous crime against socialism' of the labour leaders who had entered war governments.”
― Robert Barltrop

“NAZISM = "National Socialism"
BOLSHEVISM = "International Socialism"
One was collectivism based on economic class, the other collectivism based on race and ethnicity. They agreed on the socialist part, but disagreed on participants.”
― A.E. Samaan

“The Provisional Government had lost effective military control of the capital a full two days before the armed uprising began. This was the essential fact of the whole insurrection: without it one cannot explain the ease of the Bolshevik victory.”
― Orlando Figes, A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891 - 1924

“In August 1914, the name of St Petersburg itself is changed to the more Slavonic Petrograd: in semiotic rebellion against this idiocy, the local Bolsheviks continue to style themselves the 'Petersburg Committee'.”
― China Miéville, October: The Story of the Russian Revolution

“Everybody cursed the Bolsheviks but nobody was prepared to do anything about them.”
― Orlando Figes, A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891 - 1924

“Rewolucja rosyjska znajduje się zatem między Scyllą a Charybdą. Jeżeli zechce wyrwać się z pętli ludobójstwa zawierając odrębny pokój, zdradzi międzynarodowy proletariat i swój własny los na rzecz imperializmu niemieckiego. Jeżeli natomiast nie będzie mogła sama doprowadzić do powszechnego pokoju, pozostanie jej tylko do wyboru albo aktywne prowadzenie wojny, a wtedy będzie działała na rzecz imperializmu Ententy, albo bierny udział w wojnie, tzn. zachowanie pod względem wojskowym bezczynności, czym równie niewątpliwie poprze interesy imperializmu niemieckiego. Takie jest prawdziwe położenie republiki rosyjskiej – położenie tragiczne, którego w najmniejszym stopniu nie może zmieniać piękna formuła pokojowa, powitana przez wszystkich jako zbawienne, magiczne słowo.”
― Róża Luksemburg, O rewolucji

“Three’s all you need to change the world. Look at the Bolsheviks, or the Jimi Hendrix Experience.”
― Garth Risk Hallberg, City on Fire

“It may well be that the Bolsheviks' greatest strength in 1917 was not strict party organization and discipline (which scarcely existed at this time) but rather the party's stance of intransigent radicalism on the extreme left of the political spectrum. While other socialist and liberal groups jostled for position in the Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet, the Bolsheviks refused to be co-opted and denounced the politics of coalition and compromise. While other formerly radical politicians called for restraint and responsible, statesmanlike leadership, the Bolsheviks stayed out on the streets with the irresponsible and belligerent revolutionary crowd. As the 'dual power' structure disintegrated, discrediting the coalition parties represented in the Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet leadership, only the Bolsheviks were in a position to benefit. Among the socialist parties, only the Bolsheviks had overcome Marxist scruples, caught the mood of the crowd, and declared their willingness to seize power in the name of the proletarian revolution.”
― Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution 1917-1932

“The flouting of the greybeard is also a revolutionary sign. The absence of the men of experience from among revolutionary officials leads to many false moves that wiser heads would have avoided; but youth will have its fling, and in all ages and in all civilizations there is always a permanent undercurrent of revolution on the part of the young men who know everything, against the older men who are considered out-of-date and incapable of understanding their brilliant schemes of reform.”
― Lionel Charles Dunsterville, The Adventures of Dunsterforce

“Thus did the typewriters clack through the night, until that historic document had been crafted which guaranteed for all Russians freedom of conscience (Article 13), freedom of expression (Article 14), freedom of assembly (Article 15), and freedom to have any of these rights revoked should they be “utilized to the detriment of the socialist revolution (Article 23)!”
― Amor Towles, A Gentleman in Moscow

“History repeats itself, though on a new basis. Just as formerly, during the period of the downfall of feudalism, the word "Jacobin" evoked dread and abhorrence among the aristocrats of all countries, so now, in the period of the down fall of capitalism, the word "Bolshevik" evokes dread and abhorrence among the bourgeois in all countries. And conversely, just as formerly Paris was the refuge and school for the revolutionary representatives of the rising bourgeoisie, so now Moscow is the refuge and school for the revolutionary representatives of the rising proletariat. Hatred of the Jacobins did not save feudalism from collapse. Can there be any doubt that hatred of the Bolsheviks will not save capitalism from its inevitable downfall?”
― Stalin

“Wszystko to, co dzieje się w Rosji, jest zrozumiałe i stanowi nieunikniony łańcuch przyczyn i skutków, których punktem wyjścia i zwornikami są: niedopisanie niemieckiego proletariatu i okupacja Rosji przez imperializm niemiecki. To znaczy, że żądano by od Lenina i towarzyszy czynów nadludzkich, gdyby spodziewano się po nich wyczarowania w takich okolicznościach najpiękniejszej demokracji, wzorcowej dyktatury proletariatu i kwitnącej gospodarki socjalistycznej. Oni i tak dzięki zdecydowanie rewolucyjnej postawie, przykładowej energii i niezłomnej wierności międzynarodowemu socjalizmowi naprawdę dokonali tego, czego w tak diabelnie trudnych warunkach można było dokonać.

Niebezpieczeństwo zaczyna się wtedy, gdy robią oni cnotę z konieczności, gdy swoją taktykę, wymuszoną przez te fatalne warunki, petryfikują teoretycznie we wszystkich punktach i starają się narzucić je międzynarodowemu proletariatowi jako wzorzec socjalistycznej taktyki, który należy naśladować. W ten sposób, całkiem niepotrzebnie szkodząc sobie samym i skrywając swą rzeczywistą, niezaprzeczalną zasługę dziejową pod korcem wymuszonych potknięć, oddają niedźwiedzią przysługę międzynarodowemu socjalizmowi, o który i dla którego walczyli i cierpieli, ponieważ chcą wnieść do jego zasobów jako nowe poznanie wszystkie te narzucone w Rosji przez konieczność i przymus opaczności, które koniec końców były przecież tylko odblaskami bankructwa międzynarodowego socjalizmu w tej wojnie światowej.”
― Róża Luksemburg, The Russian Revolution

“Wina za błędy bolszewików spada ostatecznie na międzynarodowy proletariat i przede wszystkim na bezprzykładną uporczywą nikczemność niemieckiej socjaldemokracji, partii, która za czasów pokoju udawała, że maszeruje na czele światowego proletariatu, miała czelność pouczać świat i próbowała go prowadzić, partii, która we własnym kraju liczyła przynajmniej 10 milionów zwolenników obu płci, a teraz oto od 4 lat niczym sprzedajny średniowieczny żołdak na rozkaz klas panujących 24 razy każdego dnia przybija socjalizm do krzyża.”
― Róża Luksemburg, O rewolucji

“This investigation has shown that many of the widespread interpretations about the Russian Revolution have either no basis in fact or, at best, are ideologically motivated exaggerations. We could find no evidence for example that there was anything in the DNA of Bolshevism that would lead it to consciously and deliberately undermine proletarian power from the start. On the contrary they did all they could to encourage it for the first 6 months. Such accusations of course are made by those who already know the story ended badly, but to leave out the positive achievements of those early months is a distortion which denies the achievements of the working class in Russia.”
― Jock Dominie, Russia: Revolution and Counter-Revolution, 1905-1924. A View from the Communist Left

“Prior to January 22, 1905, the revolutionary party of Russia consisted of a small handful of people, and the reformists of those days, derisively called us a 'sect'. Within a few months, however, the picture completely changed. The hundreds of revolutionary Social Democrats 'suddenly' grew into thousands; the thousands became leaders of between two and three million proletarians.”
― Vladimir Lenin

“Six out of eight members of the first politburo of the Bolshevik Party created in November 1917 – Lev Kamenev, Nikolay Krestinsky, Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, Andrei Bubnov, and Grigori Sokolnikov – were killed by Stalin between 1936 and 1941; only Lenin and Stalin himself died natural deaths.”
― Enzo Traverso, Revolution: An Intellectual History

“The old Bolshevik party is dead but Bolshevism is raising its head everywhere.”
― Leon Trotsky, Stalinism and Bolshevism: Concerning the Historical and Theoretical Roots of the Fourth International

“Having come to power committed to replacing the market by planning, the Bolsheviks rapidly realised that they had no concrete ideas of how to do this.”
― Michael Ellman, Socialist Planning

“The mistake the Bolsheviks made was not in aiming at the modernisation of Russia. That was entirely sensible. Nor was it a mistake to ascribe a major role in the economy to the state. This is quite normal in the modern world. Their mistake was to suppose that successful modernisation required the elimination of the market and of private enterprise. They did not realise the role that the market and private enterprise can play in generating and maintaining self-sustaining economic growth. Looking at all economic activity as if it were a zero-sum game was very one-sided. Furthermore, the Bolsheviks failed to realise that for the state to attempt to micromanage every farm, factory and office is a very inefficient form of management, that wastes information and potential local initiatives and entrepreneurship. Furthermore, coercion tends, in general, to be less effective than market incentives in raising labour productivity, and to be indifferent to human suffering and loss of life (see Chapters 6 and 7).”
― Michael Ellman, Socialist Planning

“In early Soviet times, when Kharkiv was the capital of the Ukranian Soviet Socialist Republic, Moscow's policy of korenizatsiia - 'nativisation' - prompted a brief flourishing of a Ukrainian avant-garde, paywrights and poets and journalists attracted to this bustling city of industrial and trading fame, allowed to write in their own language at last. The policy was the Bolsheviks' attempt to endear this restive republic, and the others, to their rule. In this political environment, writers were elevated.

This special treatment came, however, came with the heavy caveat of state control which was followed by repression - a story familiar across the Soviet Union. But in Kharkiv the axe fell quicker.

Stalin grew tired of korenizatsiia and opted to wipe out the native intelligentsia instead. In the early 1930s, the party line shifted abruptly; Ukrainian 'bourgeois nationalism' was the new enemy. The purges began. The Soviet Union under Stalin's paranoid control regressed to Tsarist ways. Russification and centralisation, brutal orders issued by Moscow and carried out by its secret police.”
― Jen Stout, Night Train to Odesa: Covering the Human Cost of Russia's War

“Nothing is more disappointing than the long-awaited fulfillment of a wish: for the reality itself is too concrete and brings with it a certain calm. The exaltation on which one was living disappears, leaving in its place a great void in which things only appear as they are, nothing more.”
― Victor Serge, Men in Prison